Myanmar elections mute ethnic voices
By Brian McCartan
BANGKOK - Elections slated for later this year in Myanmar seem increasingly unlikely to democratically empower the country's various ethnic minority groups, which combined account for over 30% of the population.
While the ruling generals have touted the inclusiveness of their tightly controlled democratic transition, critics say the new constitution ignores ethnic demands for federalism while junta-drafted election laws prohibit the participation of the largest ethnic parties, some of which are attached to armed insurgent groups who for decades have fought for greater autonomy.
The ruling junta has yet to announce a date for the elections, but many observers believe they will he held sometime in October. They will be the first polls held in Myanmar since 1990, when the opposition led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) swept to victory against military-sponsored parties, only to see the results annulled by the military before they could take power.
The generals have made clear their intention to hold new polls and that the participation of the NLD and ethnic ceasefire and non-ceasefire groups is not essential to their credibility. The NLD announced on March 29 that it would not re-register under the new election laws, which it considered unfair because of regulations that bar Aung San Suu Kyi, the party's detained leader, from contesting the polls.
A number of NLD party leaders and other members have argued that non-participation plays into the regime's hands by not providing an alternative to the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the National Unity Party (NUP).
At least 39 other political parties have so far applied for registration with the newly formed election commission. Of those, only 15 are considered national parties, while many of the rest aim specifically to represent the interests of ethnic groups, including the Kachin, Kayin, Mon and Shan.
The question of whether to participate in the elections has been as contentious an issue among ethnic political groups as it was with the NLD. Some see the electoral process as a sham for perpetuating military rule under the guise of democracy and advocate a boycott of the polls. Others believe the elections offer an unique chance to work from within the system and an alternative to the confrontation and armed struggle that has plagued Myanmar politics since independence from the UK in 1948.
The second and third most successful parties in the 1990 elections after the NLD, the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) and the Arakan League for Democracy, have both supported the NLD's stand and opted not to re-register their parties for the upcoming election. The SNLD's decision was also based on the junta's refusal to free its two top leaders, who were both arrested on political charges in 2005.
Local contests
Significantly, many of the ethnic-based parties are looking to contest seats in local legislatures rather than at the national level. With their relative small sizes, the high cost of party registration and their lack of a national voice, many aspiring ethnic politicians feel that their chances of success and ability to effect change are better on the local level.
Parties representing larger ethnic groups, such as the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP), are seeking to contest the elections at all levels within their own states. Still other parties representing ethnic groups with much wider geographic coverage, such as the Kayin People's Party (KPP) and the Shan Nationals Democratic Party (SNDP), intend to contest the election for both local legislatures and at the national level across several states and divisions.
Competing for seats on state legislatures may have some real, if limited, advantages for ethnic aspirations. The new legislatures mandated by the 2008 constitution are a departure from the military-dominated "Peace and Development Committees" that currently decide policy in ethnic minority areas and are often a direct arm of the central government.
Ethnic politicians hope that the local legislative bodies will be more representative of local communities and give them more say over affairs that matter to their ethnic constituents. With popular representation, there may be more opportunities for the promotion of local cultures and languages though influence over the media and education. Also important is to gain more influence and scrutiny over the exploitation of natural resources in ethnic minority areas.
According to a recent report on the elections by the Transnational Institute, "Nevertheless, many ethnic leaders point out that they will have a legitimate voice for the first time. This will allow ethnic grievances, in the past too easily dismissed as the seditious rumblings of separatist insurgents, to be openly raised."
Without ethnic participation, the government backed, and largely ethnic Myanmar USDP and NUP will be calling the shots not only nationally, but also in the regional legislatures. While a far cry from the federalism that many ethnic leaders aspire for, the local legislatures offer the first forms of local autonomy since the post 1962 coup government of General Ne Win abolished ethnic councils established under the 1947 constitution.
A post-independence federal system was promised as a result of a conference held at the town of Panglong in northern Myanmar between independence leader General Aung San and representatives of several ethnic groups. Federal principles agreed to at the conference were enshrined in the 1947 constitution, but by the late 1950's many felt they had not been adequately implemented. Agitation for a more truly federalist system was a major cause of the 1962 military coup, which was carried out in the name of preserving national unity.
Myanmar's 2008 constitution keeps the seven ethnic states and creates seven new self-administered zones for less numerous ethnic groups such as the Pa-O, Kokang and Wa. However, it makes few other concessions to ethnic aspirations for federalism and power sharing between ethnic groups and the majority Myanmar population. During the 1993-2008 National Convention that drafted the constitution, calls by ethnic representatives for a federal union were ignored.
There is growing evidence that the generals are seeking to undermine and split the ethnic vote at the upcoming elections. This is being done largely through the junta's mass organization, the United Solidarity Development Association (USDA), and its newly formed political party, the USDP.
Many members of the USDP are former military officers and current members of government who have resigned their ranks to participate in the polls. They have actively courted ethnic minorities to join the junta-backed USDP. In the case of the disenfranchised Muslim Rohingya in western Myanmar, that has taken the form of offering identity cards granting them formal citizenship in exchange for their votes.
According to the exile-run media group Shan Herald Agency for News, USDP members have used the USDA and local government officials to canvass for votes and to pressure villagers in Shan State to sign their names on the party's rolls. Shan leaders in Mandalay Division, where there are significant Shan populations, were approached in March to run as part of the USDP.
The junta has also effectively blocked several of the major ethnic political players from taking part in the elections due to an impasse over the transformation of armed ceasefire groups into army-controlled border guard units. The regime's seven-step "roadmap to democracy" had originally envisioned that the groups would either hand over their weapons or join the border guard force as a prelude to forming political parties and contesting the election.
Pre-election tension
That step was supposed to be accomplished before an election date was announced. Instead tensions have spiked between the junta and the ethnic militias as several deadlines have passed - the latest on April 28 - and the issue still remains unresolved. Over 20 ethnic insurgent groups have agreed to ceasefires with the junta since 1989 and have since largely run their own affairs. They consider retaining their weapons as a necessary protection until the generals can prove the sincerity of their political promises.
Only a few, mostly small groups have agreed to the junta's terms, including the National Democratic Army - Kachin (NDA-K) and the Kachin Defence Army (KDA). However, their political leaders have resigned and are now seeking to register respectively as the Union Democracy Party (Kachin State) and the Northern Shan State Progressive Party.
The Kokang only agreed after a short offensive by the army drove out the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in August 2009 and brought in new leadership. The new leadership quickly declared its support for the 2010 elections and formed a political party.
Larger groups such as the United Wa State Party (UWSP), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) have not been allowed to register parties for the election. Instead the regime has threatened to revoke the ceasefire status of groups and declare them illegal. Most recently tensions have increased in Mon State, where the NMSP has refused to meet with the military's intelligence head Lieutenant General Ye Myint to discuss the border guard issue. The junta has threatened to use force if the Mon does not agree to a meeting.
Keeping the ceasefire groups out of the polls may work to the generals' electoral advantage. A June 2010 report by the Transnational Institute on the ethnic political situation described the ethnic ceasefire organizations, "in terms of history, membership, finance, and territorial control, the ceasefire forces far outweigh electoral parties in their ability to operate independently and, with an estimated 40,000 troops under arms, their existence was a continued reminder of the need for conflict resolution."
Both the Wa and the Kachin have said that they would like to support ethnic parties in the polls and negotiate the decommissioning of their armed wings with the new government after the elections. After two decades of unresolved political issues and disappointment in the 2008 constitution, they want to see proof of real political reform before agreeing to hand over their weapons.
Indeed, the election commission has so far refused to accept the registration of three Kachin political parties. While two of the parties represent former ceasefire groups who have now become border guards, the KSPP has several former KIO members, including its leader, former KIO vice chairman Tu Ja. Some observers believe the party's registration has yet to be approved because of these links.
There is also a fear that the government will declare a state of emergency in the ceasefire areas, which would prohibit people standing for elections and voting. Already areas of southern Shan State and Karen State are unlikely to be allowed to vote due to a legal provision that says elections can only be held in areas free of conflict. This would mean that large portions of Myanmar would not be allowed to elect representatives to local or national legislatures.
Border-based ethnic political organizations, many of which are attached to armed insurgent groups still fighting the government, will not be able to take part in the elections. Although they have seemingly declined in strength and influence in recent years, their message of equal rights and justice still resonates with many people who see the newly formed parties as junta stooges.
Peace talks with the government will also have to wait until a new government is formed following the elections. A section of the Political Parties Registration Law prohibits registration to any party that is involved with groups engaged in armed rebellion or involved with groups declared as "unlawful associations".
The generals will be hard-pressed to prove the legitimacy of the elections without the participation of ethnic opposition parties or adequate ethnic representation. Should the ethnic groups continue to feel disempowered and a democratically elected pro-military government maintain the junta's current confrontational policies, further conflict will be almost unavoidable and hinder the country's supposed democratic transition.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
Saturday, June 26, 2010
Wednesday, June 23, 2010
Elections in Burma: the roadmap of the junta to avoid defeat of 1990
Source: Asia News
The military dictatorship issues a fictitious Constitution and bans the main opposition movements, to ensure victory. U.S. State Department: the vote does not have "international legitimacy". In 1990, 235 parties in contention, only 42 today. Minister in exile, "the government is the only competitor in the race," but "not all generals win all battles."
New Delhi (AsiaNews) - The slogan for the 2010 elections in Myanmar is "not a repeat of another 1990." For this reason, the ruling military junta has implemented a so-called "roadmap" "outrageously" ratifying the 2008 Constitution when the country was on its knees because of the cyclone, with a 94% approval which no one-believes neither Burmese nor foreigner". So says Tint Swe, a member of the Council of Ministers of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) in an interview with AsiaNews.
The group consists of refugees from Myanmar after the 1990 elections won by the National League for Democracy (NLD) and never recognized by the junta. After fleeing to India in 1990, since December 1991 Tint Swe lives in New Delhi and is fighting for freedom and human rights in his country of origin. He explains that the military has operated to "prolong the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi”, Nobel Peace Laureate and icon of the democratic opposition, and thanks to an" American swimmer found an absurd reason to continue to keep her imprisoned”. Not only this, he stresses, they have added an electoral law that "provides a clause under which those convicted or imprisoned not participate in the vote, including Aung San Suu Kyi and other 2 thousand people."
The U.S. State Department has also intervened on the issue of the Burmese elections, declaring that, the vote "has no legitimacy at an international level." Referring to the country with the formerly known as Burma, now Myanmar, the U.S. organism believes that "the elections scheduled this year will be neither free nor fair". Tint Swe said that in 1990 the parties "were encouraged to register and received incentives" so that "nobody could win by a wide margin of votes." Mindful of the triumph of the NLD, now the military has excluded political prisoners and demanded "significant sums of money to join" the race. "In 1990 there were 235 parties - he comments - and now only 42 can be present during the 2010 election."
The minister in exile adds that in 1990 the government acted as arbitrator, but today it is the only competitor in the race and military police, civil and social organizations must vote for the Union Solidarity and Development Party led by the current Prime Minister and directly under the military junta. "There will be no free elections - states Tint Swe - and representatives of democratic movements have been ruled out".
The Burmese political activist does not spare the international community either "it is bad – he comments - terrible, unacceptable and deplorable that foreign nations will continue to talk about internal affairs of Myanmar." The world's governments seek potential new parties in the future Parliament, but there is nothing credible point of reference is the NLD, although it is officially dissolved. However, Tint Swe is not pessimistic, because the "seed of democracy has been planted." In 1990, he concluded, the internal intelligence department’s predictions about the vote were wrong and "not all generals win all battles".
The military dictatorship issues a fictitious Constitution and bans the main opposition movements, to ensure victory. U.S. State Department: the vote does not have "international legitimacy". In 1990, 235 parties in contention, only 42 today. Minister in exile, "the government is the only competitor in the race," but "not all generals win all battles."
New Delhi (AsiaNews) - The slogan for the 2010 elections in Myanmar is "not a repeat of another 1990." For this reason, the ruling military junta has implemented a so-called "roadmap" "outrageously" ratifying the 2008 Constitution when the country was on its knees because of the cyclone, with a 94% approval which no one-believes neither Burmese nor foreigner". So says Tint Swe, a member of the Council of Ministers of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) in an interview with AsiaNews.
The group consists of refugees from Myanmar after the 1990 elections won by the National League for Democracy (NLD) and never recognized by the junta. After fleeing to India in 1990, since December 1991 Tint Swe lives in New Delhi and is fighting for freedom and human rights in his country of origin. He explains that the military has operated to "prolong the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi”, Nobel Peace Laureate and icon of the democratic opposition, and thanks to an" American swimmer found an absurd reason to continue to keep her imprisoned”. Not only this, he stresses, they have added an electoral law that "provides a clause under which those convicted or imprisoned not participate in the vote, including Aung San Suu Kyi and other 2 thousand people."
The U.S. State Department has also intervened on the issue of the Burmese elections, declaring that, the vote "has no legitimacy at an international level." Referring to the country with the formerly known as Burma, now Myanmar, the U.S. organism believes that "the elections scheduled this year will be neither free nor fair". Tint Swe said that in 1990 the parties "were encouraged to register and received incentives" so that "nobody could win by a wide margin of votes." Mindful of the triumph of the NLD, now the military has excluded political prisoners and demanded "significant sums of money to join" the race. "In 1990 there were 235 parties - he comments - and now only 42 can be present during the 2010 election."
The minister in exile adds that in 1990 the government acted as arbitrator, but today it is the only competitor in the race and military police, civil and social organizations must vote for the Union Solidarity and Development Party led by the current Prime Minister and directly under the military junta. "There will be no free elections - states Tint Swe - and representatives of democratic movements have been ruled out".
The Burmese political activist does not spare the international community either "it is bad – he comments - terrible, unacceptable and deplorable that foreign nations will continue to talk about internal affairs of Myanmar." The world's governments seek potential new parties in the future Parliament, but there is nothing credible point of reference is the NLD, although it is officially dissolved. However, Tint Swe is not pessimistic, because the "seed of democracy has been planted." In 1990, he concluded, the internal intelligence department’s predictions about the vote were wrong and "not all generals win all battles".
Burma bans marching and chanting during rallies
By Andrew Buncombe, Asia Correspondent
Source: Independent News
Political parties seeking to contest elections due to be held in Burma later this year have been told they will not be able to march, chant or say anything during rallies that is judged to have the potential to damage the country’s image.
In a series of guidelines published in state-controlled media, it was also revealed that any party seeking to hold a gathering or rally outside of its own headquarters must seek permission from the authorities at least a week in advance.
Related articles
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. Search the news archive for more stories
The military junta that controls Burma claims elections it says will be held later this year will mark a crucial stepping-point towards full democracy. In preparation, a number of senior officers claim to have given up their military posts to lead a party contesting the elections. In truth, most independent observers believe the polls will be a sham and that they will merely act to further cement the position of the military.
All parties challenging for seats in the national parliament arerequired to have at least 1,000 members within 90 days of being granted permission to contest the polls. So far 33 parties have that permission, many of them supporters of the junta. Yet crucial to the view of most observers that the polls will have no credibility, Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), will not be among them.
With its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi prevented from taking part because she is under house arrest and with a further 2,000 political prisoners still behind bars, the party in April voted not to participate. Not everyone within the NLD agreed with the party's decision and a breakaway group, called the National Democratic Force (NDF) and headed by a veteran politician, Dr Than Nyein, is seeking permission to contest the election – a move that has reportedly deeply disappointed Ms Suu Kyi. The NLD, which won a 1990 election by a landslide only for the result to be ignored by the military, has since been forced to disband.
According to the 14-point plan printed in several newspapers today, the NDF and other parties contesting the elections will have to strictly adhere to several regulations. Prohibited will be “giving talks and publishing and distributing publications with the intention of tarnishing the image of the state”, while parties will also have to avoid causing disturbances near government offices, , markets, schools, hospitals and religious buildings. The guidelines warned that the authorities will take appropriate steps to deal with those who breach the rules.
Source: Independent News
Political parties seeking to contest elections due to be held in Burma later this year have been told they will not be able to march, chant or say anything during rallies that is judged to have the potential to damage the country’s image.
In a series of guidelines published in state-controlled media, it was also revealed that any party seeking to hold a gathering or rally outside of its own headquarters must seek permission from the authorities at least a week in advance.
Related articles
•Ousted PM's lawyer calls for Thai elections
•Nine killed by Philippines tanker blast
. Search the news archive for more stories
The military junta that controls Burma claims elections it says will be held later this year will mark a crucial stepping-point towards full democracy. In preparation, a number of senior officers claim to have given up their military posts to lead a party contesting the elections. In truth, most independent observers believe the polls will be a sham and that they will merely act to further cement the position of the military.
All parties challenging for seats in the national parliament arerequired to have at least 1,000 members within 90 days of being granted permission to contest the polls. So far 33 parties have that permission, many of them supporters of the junta. Yet crucial to the view of most observers that the polls will have no credibility, Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), will not be among them.
With its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi prevented from taking part because she is under house arrest and with a further 2,000 political prisoners still behind bars, the party in April voted not to participate. Not everyone within the NLD agreed with the party's decision and a breakaway group, called the National Democratic Force (NDF) and headed by a veteran politician, Dr Than Nyein, is seeking permission to contest the election – a move that has reportedly deeply disappointed Ms Suu Kyi. The NLD, which won a 1990 election by a landslide only for the result to be ignored by the military, has since been forced to disband.
According to the 14-point plan printed in several newspapers today, the NDF and other parties contesting the elections will have to strictly adhere to several regulations. Prohibited will be “giving talks and publishing and distributing publications with the intention of tarnishing the image of the state”, while parties will also have to avoid causing disturbances near government offices, , markets, schools, hospitals and religious buildings. The guidelines warned that the authorities will take appropriate steps to deal with those who breach the rules.
Myanmar restricts political activity ahead of polls
Source: (AFP) News
YANGON — Members of political parties contesting Myanmar's first elections in two decades will be banned from marching, waving flags and chanting to garner support, under rules announced Wednesday.
The directive, which did not reveal a date for the polls, requires party members who want to gather and deliver speeches at places other than their offices to apply for a permit one week in advance, according to state media.
The rules prohibit "the act of marching to the designated gathering point and the venue holding flags, or marching and chanting slogans in procession" in a bid to enlist members, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper said.
Parties must have at least 1,000 members to contest the nationwide election.
Holding knives, weapons and ammunition are also banned, along with acts that harm security and the rule of law or tarnish the image of the military. Misuse of religion for political gains is also not allowed, state media said.
Critics have dismissed the election -- which is scheduled for some time later this year -- as a sham due to laws that have effectively barred opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from participating.
The United States said Tuesday that the polls will "not be free or fair and will lack international legitimacy".
Suu Kyi's party won the last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to take office. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) was forcibly dissolved last month under widely criticised laws governing the polls.
The NLD refused to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register as a party -- a move that would have forced it to expel Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest -- and is boycotting the vote.
Under election legislation unveiled in March, anyone serving a prison term is banned from being a member of a political party and parties that fail to obey the rule will be abolished.
The latest directive for drumming up support among voters has upset some parties who fear they will make it harder to connect with people.
"The political parties will be in a tight corner because of these rules," said Ye Tun, chairman of the 88th Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar), which despite its name is pro-government.
"We are in difficult position to work in some places. They restricted our movements such as holding flags."
But other parties welcomed the rules, saying they could have been even more restrictive.
"We can transform from party politics to people politics if we can get in touch with the people through party meetings," said Phyo Min Thein, chairman of the Union Democratic Party.
A faction from within the disbanded NLD has applied to form a new political party, to be called the National Democratic Force, in a bid to advance the movement's two-decade campaign to end military rule.
According to official figures, 36 out of 42 groups which have applied to form political parties have been registered.
YANGON — Members of political parties contesting Myanmar's first elections in two decades will be banned from marching, waving flags and chanting to garner support, under rules announced Wednesday.
The directive, which did not reveal a date for the polls, requires party members who want to gather and deliver speeches at places other than their offices to apply for a permit one week in advance, according to state media.
The rules prohibit "the act of marching to the designated gathering point and the venue holding flags, or marching and chanting slogans in procession" in a bid to enlist members, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper said.
Parties must have at least 1,000 members to contest the nationwide election.
Holding knives, weapons and ammunition are also banned, along with acts that harm security and the rule of law or tarnish the image of the military. Misuse of religion for political gains is also not allowed, state media said.
Critics have dismissed the election -- which is scheduled for some time later this year -- as a sham due to laws that have effectively barred opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from participating.
The United States said Tuesday that the polls will "not be free or fair and will lack international legitimacy".
Suu Kyi's party won the last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to take office. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) was forcibly dissolved last month under widely criticised laws governing the polls.
The NLD refused to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register as a party -- a move that would have forced it to expel Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest -- and is boycotting the vote.
Under election legislation unveiled in March, anyone serving a prison term is banned from being a member of a political party and parties that fail to obey the rule will be abolished.
The latest directive for drumming up support among voters has upset some parties who fear they will make it harder to connect with people.
"The political parties will be in a tight corner because of these rules," said Ye Tun, chairman of the 88th Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar), which despite its name is pro-government.
"We are in difficult position to work in some places. They restricted our movements such as holding flags."
But other parties welcomed the rules, saying they could have been even more restrictive.
"We can transform from party politics to people politics if we can get in touch with the people through party meetings," said Phyo Min Thein, chairman of the Union Democratic Party.
A faction from within the disbanded NLD has applied to form a new political party, to be called the National Democratic Force, in a bid to advance the movement's two-decade campaign to end military rule.
According to official figures, 36 out of 42 groups which have applied to form political parties have been registered.
Report cited as evidence of need for UN Burma inquiry
Burma Campaign
Media Release From Burma Campaign UK
New Report On Crimes Against Humanity Against Rohingyas Strengthens Case For UN Inquiry.
The Burma Campaign UK today welcomed a new report – Crimes against Humanity in Western Burma: The Situation of the Rohingyas – published by the Irish Centre for Human Rights.
The report was supervised by Prof Schabas, an expert on international human rights law, who served as one of the seven commissioners on the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The report was funded by the Irish government.
The hard-hitting report exposes how the Rohingya ethnic minority in Burma are subject to a range of different human rights abuses which constitute, or may constitute, crimes against humanity as defined by the Rome Statute. These include:
· Forced labour
· Deportation and forcible transfer
· Rape and sexual violence
· Persecution
The report states that; “there is a reliable body of evidence pointing to acts constituting a widespread or systematic attack against the Rohingya civilian population....These appear to satisfy the requirements under international criminal law for the perpetration of crimes against humanity.”
The report recommends that the United Nations Security Council establish a commission of inquiry into the crimes exposed in the report, and into potential crimes being committed in other parts of Burma.
It also calls on the International Labour Organisation to reconsider referring Burma to the International Court of Justice unless there are “swift satisfactory changes.”
In March this year the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Burma also called for a UN commission of inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma.
So far Australia, UK, Czech Republic, and Slovakia have publicly stated that they support a UN commission of inquiry. On 17th June The Elders joined international calls for the establishment of such an inquiry.
“This report provides yet more evidence that the generals ruling Burma are criminals who are breaking international law and avoiding justice,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Governments cannot continue to ignore the evidence; ignorance is no longer an excuse for inaction. We need to see governments publicly supporting a UN commission of inquiry and then taking action to establish it. The European Union should state that it supports the establishment of a UN commission of inquiry. The Irish government should be congratulated for funding this report. We hope they will now express their clear support for a UN inquiry and work for the EU as a whole to also adopt this position.”
The report can be viewed at: http://www.nuigalway.ie/human_rights/projects/burma.html
The Media Release from the Irish Centre for Human Rights Follows:
Crimes Against Humanity Committed Against Rohingyas in Western Burma, Irish Human Rights Centre’ Report Concludes
DUBLIN, 16 June 2010 - The Rohingya minority group in Western Burma has been victim of human rights violations amounting to crimes against humanity, according to a report released today by the Irish Centre for Human Rights. The report, entitled Crimes against Humanity in Western Burma: The Situation of the Rohingyas, was officially launched by Micheál Martin, the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, at Iveagh House.
‘For decades now, the Rohingya minority group has endured grave human rights violations in North Arakan State. Every day, more Rohingya men, women and children are leaving Burma, fleeing the human rights abuses in the hope of finding peace and security elsewhere,’ said Professor William Schabas, director of the Irish Centre for Human Rights, which is located at the National University of Ireland, Galway.
The Report is based on extensive open-source research and on a fact-finding mission to Burma, Thailand and Bangladesh conducted by experts in international criminal investigation. As well as interviewing organisations working in the region, investigators met with Rohingya victims in and around refugee camps in Bangladesh. The Rohingyas’ plight has been overlooked for years and the root causes of their situation still remain under-examined. The Irish Centre for Human Rights’ Report identifies and discusses some of these causes.
The Report examines whether the apparent cases of enslavement, rape and sexual violence, deportation or forcible transfer of population, and persecution against the Rohingyas may constitute crimes against humanity. ‘Describing the violations as crimes against humanity raises the possibility that cases against those Burmese officials who are responsible could be referred to the International Criminal Court’, Professor Schabas explained.
The Report affirms that people committing, allowing, aiding and abetting these crimes must be held accountable. The international community has a responsibility to protect the Rohingyas, to respond to the allegations of crimes against humanity and ensure that violations and impunity do not persist for another generation, concludes the report
Speaking at the launch of the Report, Minister Martin commended the work of the NUIG research team, stating that they have presented ‘compelling and credible evidence suggesting that crimes against humanity have indeed been committed by the Burmese authorities against the Rohingya minority group’.
Noting the recommendation in the Report that the Security Council establish a Commission of Inquiry to determine whether there is a prima facie case that crimes against humanity have been committed, as well as similar recent comments by UN Special Rapporteur on Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, Minister Martin said that he fully supported these calls for all such alleged crimes to be formally investigated.
The Irish Centre for Human Rights, based at the National University of Ireland, Galway, is one of the world’s leading university-based human rights research centres. The Centre, which marks its tenth anniversary this year, is dedicated to teaching, research and advocacy in the field of human rights.
Media Release From Burma Campaign UK
New Report On Crimes Against Humanity Against Rohingyas Strengthens Case For UN Inquiry.
The Burma Campaign UK today welcomed a new report – Crimes against Humanity in Western Burma: The Situation of the Rohingyas – published by the Irish Centre for Human Rights.
The report was supervised by Prof Schabas, an expert on international human rights law, who served as one of the seven commissioners on the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The report was funded by the Irish government.
The hard-hitting report exposes how the Rohingya ethnic minority in Burma are subject to a range of different human rights abuses which constitute, or may constitute, crimes against humanity as defined by the Rome Statute. These include:
· Forced labour
· Deportation and forcible transfer
· Rape and sexual violence
· Persecution
The report states that; “there is a reliable body of evidence pointing to acts constituting a widespread or systematic attack against the Rohingya civilian population....These appear to satisfy the requirements under international criminal law for the perpetration of crimes against humanity.”
The report recommends that the United Nations Security Council establish a commission of inquiry into the crimes exposed in the report, and into potential crimes being committed in other parts of Burma.
It also calls on the International Labour Organisation to reconsider referring Burma to the International Court of Justice unless there are “swift satisfactory changes.”
In March this year the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Burma also called for a UN commission of inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma.
So far Australia, UK, Czech Republic, and Slovakia have publicly stated that they support a UN commission of inquiry. On 17th June The Elders joined international calls for the establishment of such an inquiry.
“This report provides yet more evidence that the generals ruling Burma are criminals who are breaking international law and avoiding justice,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Governments cannot continue to ignore the evidence; ignorance is no longer an excuse for inaction. We need to see governments publicly supporting a UN commission of inquiry and then taking action to establish it. The European Union should state that it supports the establishment of a UN commission of inquiry. The Irish government should be congratulated for funding this report. We hope they will now express their clear support for a UN inquiry and work for the EU as a whole to also adopt this position.”
The report can be viewed at: http://www.nuigalway.ie/human_rights/projects/burma.html
The Media Release from the Irish Centre for Human Rights Follows:
Crimes Against Humanity Committed Against Rohingyas in Western Burma, Irish Human Rights Centre’ Report Concludes
DUBLIN, 16 June 2010 - The Rohingya minority group in Western Burma has been victim of human rights violations amounting to crimes against humanity, according to a report released today by the Irish Centre for Human Rights. The report, entitled Crimes against Humanity in Western Burma: The Situation of the Rohingyas, was officially launched by Micheál Martin, the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, at Iveagh House.
‘For decades now, the Rohingya minority group has endured grave human rights violations in North Arakan State. Every day, more Rohingya men, women and children are leaving Burma, fleeing the human rights abuses in the hope of finding peace and security elsewhere,’ said Professor William Schabas, director of the Irish Centre for Human Rights, which is located at the National University of Ireland, Galway.
The Report is based on extensive open-source research and on a fact-finding mission to Burma, Thailand and Bangladesh conducted by experts in international criminal investigation. As well as interviewing organisations working in the region, investigators met with Rohingya victims in and around refugee camps in Bangladesh. The Rohingyas’ plight has been overlooked for years and the root causes of their situation still remain under-examined. The Irish Centre for Human Rights’ Report identifies and discusses some of these causes.
The Report examines whether the apparent cases of enslavement, rape and sexual violence, deportation or forcible transfer of population, and persecution against the Rohingyas may constitute crimes against humanity. ‘Describing the violations as crimes against humanity raises the possibility that cases against those Burmese officials who are responsible could be referred to the International Criminal Court’, Professor Schabas explained.
The Report affirms that people committing, allowing, aiding and abetting these crimes must be held accountable. The international community has a responsibility to protect the Rohingyas, to respond to the allegations of crimes against humanity and ensure that violations and impunity do not persist for another generation, concludes the report
Speaking at the launch of the Report, Minister Martin commended the work of the NUIG research team, stating that they have presented ‘compelling and credible evidence suggesting that crimes against humanity have indeed been committed by the Burmese authorities against the Rohingya minority group’.
Noting the recommendation in the Report that the Security Council establish a Commission of Inquiry to determine whether there is a prima facie case that crimes against humanity have been committed, as well as similar recent comments by UN Special Rapporteur on Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, Minister Martin said that he fully supported these calls for all such alleged crimes to be formally investigated.
The Irish Centre for Human Rights, based at the National University of Ireland, Galway, is one of the world’s leading university-based human rights research centres. The Centre, which marks its tenth anniversary this year, is dedicated to teaching, research and advocacy in the field of human rights.
Tuesday, June 22, 2010
Rice Arrives in Maungdaw, Not for Flood Victims
Source: Narinjara News
Maungdaw: A rice cargo ship arrived and harbored on Tuesday in Maungdaw, a western Burmese border town that was recently hit by floods and landslides, but the rice is not intended for relief aid for victims, said locals.
One witness said, "The cargo ship carried 3,000 rice sacks to Maungdaw from Sittwe, but it is for selling in the markets, not for the flood victims. A rice company sent the rice to Maungdaw to sell at lower prices when the price of rice skyrocketed after the flooding."
The rice company, In Paukwa, sent the rice to Maungdaw with the agreement of the local authorities that it could be sold to local residents at prices that undercut the current market prices.
A rice merchant said, "The company plans to sell the rice to local people for 15,000 kyat per sack. This is 5,000 kyat less than the price of rice in local markets, but it is not enough to meet the local demand."
In Maungdaw Township, the price of rice and other commodities skyrocketed soon after flooding began because the only road used to transport goods into the area was badly damaged.
In the Maungdaw markets, the price of lower standard rice increased from 15,000 kyat per 25-kilogram sack to 20,000 kyat, while the high standard rice increased from 27,000 kyat per sack to 31,000 kyat.
Other commodities, including onions, legumes, cooking oil, chili, sugar, salt, and eggs have also increased in price recently.
The price of onions doubled from 400 kyat per viss to 800 kyat, while the price of garlic went up from 3,200 kyat to 3,600 kyat. Cooking oil increased from 2,200 kyat to 2,600 kyat, and the price of sugar increased from 1,200 kyat per viss to 1,600 kyat.
People in Maungdaw, where the most people were affected by the flood, are suffering from the skyrocketing prices of rice and commodities.
The military government recently announced that they are providing relief aid to flood victims in Buthidaung and Maungdaw, but the amount of aid reaching people is limited and insufficient.
It was learned that flood victims have now returned back to their homes from the shelters set up in Maungdaw Township, but they have not yet received any materials from the government to help rebuild their damaged houses
Maungdaw: A rice cargo ship arrived and harbored on Tuesday in Maungdaw, a western Burmese border town that was recently hit by floods and landslides, but the rice is not intended for relief aid for victims, said locals.
One witness said, "The cargo ship carried 3,000 rice sacks to Maungdaw from Sittwe, but it is for selling in the markets, not for the flood victims. A rice company sent the rice to Maungdaw to sell at lower prices when the price of rice skyrocketed after the flooding."
The rice company, In Paukwa, sent the rice to Maungdaw with the agreement of the local authorities that it could be sold to local residents at prices that undercut the current market prices.
A rice merchant said, "The company plans to sell the rice to local people for 15,000 kyat per sack. This is 5,000 kyat less than the price of rice in local markets, but it is not enough to meet the local demand."
In Maungdaw Township, the price of rice and other commodities skyrocketed soon after flooding began because the only road used to transport goods into the area was badly damaged.
In the Maungdaw markets, the price of lower standard rice increased from 15,000 kyat per 25-kilogram sack to 20,000 kyat, while the high standard rice increased from 27,000 kyat per sack to 31,000 kyat.
Other commodities, including onions, legumes, cooking oil, chili, sugar, salt, and eggs have also increased in price recently.
The price of onions doubled from 400 kyat per viss to 800 kyat, while the price of garlic went up from 3,200 kyat to 3,600 kyat. Cooking oil increased from 2,200 kyat to 2,600 kyat, and the price of sugar increased from 1,200 kyat per viss to 1,600 kyat.
People in Maungdaw, where the most people were affected by the flood, are suffering from the skyrocketing prices of rice and commodities.
The military government recently announced that they are providing relief aid to flood victims in Buthidaung and Maungdaw, but the amount of aid reaching people is limited and insufficient.
It was learned that flood victims have now returned back to their homes from the shelters set up in Maungdaw Township, but they have not yet received any materials from the government to help rebuild their damaged houses
Opinion of One Exiled Arakanese Political Leader on Arakanese Parties Contesting in 2010 Election
Source: Narinjara News
The Burmese military government has been planning to hold an election this year, and three political parties have recently emerged to represent Arakan and run in the 2010 election. They are the Rakhine National Progressive Party, the Mro and Khami National Solidarity Organization, and the Myanmar Rakhine State National Force Party. The Arakan League for Democracy, or ALD, which won the most votes in Arakan and 11 parliamentary seats, has officially announced that not only will they boycott the election but they will not even register as a party with the election commission. The ALD states as it reasons that the new constitution of Burma was unscrupulously adopted by force and fraud, and it will not bring any democratic or ethnic rights to the people of Burma.
As with the Arakanese political parties, perspectives on the election among the people are also mixed. In such circumstances, one of the leading figures from the Arakanese political community, Dr. Khin Maung, sat with Narinjara's Ko Maung Aye to discuss the parties that will run in the upcoming election.
Dr. Khin Maung: Before speaking about whether we should compete in the 2010 election or not, I would like to talk about our stand on the matter.
First, we denounce the new constitution that was single-handedly drafted and undemocratically ratified by the Burmese junta to prolong their dictatorship.
Second, the constitutional referendum was held in 2008 right after the Cyclone Nargis catastrophe that destroyed hundreds of thousands of people, ignoring the pain and suffering of the people. Therefore, we strongly condemn the 2008 constitutional referendum and the resulting constitution itself.
Third, since the upcoming 2010 election is going to be held on the basis of that 2008 constitution it will not be a free and fair election, so we also oppose it.
Now the election regulations have finally come out, and when we analyzed them we found more immoral tricks. That has solidified our opposition to the election and we will continue opposing it.
However, I won't rule out the necessity of having other political organizations and sincere people to stand up and serve all Arakanese and to protect Arakan's rights. So I won't oppose anyone who is trying to form a political party to run in this election. Anyone can become involved in politics based on their belief and passion, and I have no feelings against them.
Narinjara: Do you think that having Arakanese parties run in the election can bring some benefits to the state and its people?
Dr. Khin Maung: It all depends on the extend of freedom and democracy inside parliament. Burmese generals might give some slack that they think can not hurt them. Depending on how well the representatives and senators can take advantage of this, how far they can fight for Arakan, and how willing they are to represent Arakan, the benefits could vary.
Narinjara: Do you know how much Arakanese people trust the competing parties and their candidates?
Dr. Khin Maung: Only the party or a person who really serves the people of Arakan deserves the peoples' trust. People will vote for the party they trust. In the 1990 election, as people trusted some leaders of the ALD, they voted for the ALD. In reality, some dishonest and conniving people became representatives. We need to be careful that does not happen again.
Narinjara: If the competing parties win some seats in the parliament, how well will they be able to work for Arakan and her people?
Dr. Khin Maung: It depends on how well freedom and democracy prevail in the parliament. Also, it depends on how much the representatives would like to serve the people who election them. If a party led by individuals determined to work for the people wins, to some extent, it could benefit Arakan.
Narinjara: If a certain political party that truly represents Arakan does not register and run in the election, what kind of impact could that have on the state?
Dr. Khin Maung: Well, it is necessary to be politically clever and contemplative. As I mentioned above, it depends on which party or who will faithfully and seriously represent Arakan. People have to differentiate who is for them and who is not. We must understand that this election is a "system change" for Burmans. In other words, it is a change from a military dictatorship to a democratic system. But for other non-Burman ethnic groups, including Arakanese, it is a fight for survival of their national identities. Burmese and ethnic people might see that difference. In terms of how much a party that does not register and contest in the election could affect Arakan, it will also depend on how well parties and representatives in parliament will be able to work for their national survival and development. At the very least, I hope they have the chance to protect their national survival.
Narinjara: Regarding this upcoming election, what would you suggest to the people of Arakan?
Dr. Khin Maung: What I would like to say is rather than generally hoping that Arakanese parties win the election, I would like them to vote based on who and which party will truly fight for the people of Arakan, who and which party will serve the people of Arakan in the best of their knowledge, and who and which party will try to protect the national interest of Arakan. I would like them to elect someone who can serve Arakan by deeds rather than by words.
The Burmese military government has been planning to hold an election this year, and three political parties have recently emerged to represent Arakan and run in the 2010 election. They are the Rakhine National Progressive Party, the Mro and Khami National Solidarity Organization, and the Myanmar Rakhine State National Force Party. The Arakan League for Democracy, or ALD, which won the most votes in Arakan and 11 parliamentary seats, has officially announced that not only will they boycott the election but they will not even register as a party with the election commission. The ALD states as it reasons that the new constitution of Burma was unscrupulously adopted by force and fraud, and it will not bring any democratic or ethnic rights to the people of Burma.
As with the Arakanese political parties, perspectives on the election among the people are also mixed. In such circumstances, one of the leading figures from the Arakanese political community, Dr. Khin Maung, sat with Narinjara's Ko Maung Aye to discuss the parties that will run in the upcoming election.
Dr. Khin Maung: Before speaking about whether we should compete in the 2010 election or not, I would like to talk about our stand on the matter.
First, we denounce the new constitution that was single-handedly drafted and undemocratically ratified by the Burmese junta to prolong their dictatorship.
Second, the constitutional referendum was held in 2008 right after the Cyclone Nargis catastrophe that destroyed hundreds of thousands of people, ignoring the pain and suffering of the people. Therefore, we strongly condemn the 2008 constitutional referendum and the resulting constitution itself.
Third, since the upcoming 2010 election is going to be held on the basis of that 2008 constitution it will not be a free and fair election, so we also oppose it.
Now the election regulations have finally come out, and when we analyzed them we found more immoral tricks. That has solidified our opposition to the election and we will continue opposing it.
However, I won't rule out the necessity of having other political organizations and sincere people to stand up and serve all Arakanese and to protect Arakan's rights. So I won't oppose anyone who is trying to form a political party to run in this election. Anyone can become involved in politics based on their belief and passion, and I have no feelings against them.
Narinjara: Do you think that having Arakanese parties run in the election can bring some benefits to the state and its people?
Dr. Khin Maung: It all depends on the extend of freedom and democracy inside parliament. Burmese generals might give some slack that they think can not hurt them. Depending on how well the representatives and senators can take advantage of this, how far they can fight for Arakan, and how willing they are to represent Arakan, the benefits could vary.
Narinjara: Do you know how much Arakanese people trust the competing parties and their candidates?
Dr. Khin Maung: Only the party or a person who really serves the people of Arakan deserves the peoples' trust. People will vote for the party they trust. In the 1990 election, as people trusted some leaders of the ALD, they voted for the ALD. In reality, some dishonest and conniving people became representatives. We need to be careful that does not happen again.
Narinjara: If the competing parties win some seats in the parliament, how well will they be able to work for Arakan and her people?
Dr. Khin Maung: It depends on how well freedom and democracy prevail in the parliament. Also, it depends on how much the representatives would like to serve the people who election them. If a party led by individuals determined to work for the people wins, to some extent, it could benefit Arakan.
Narinjara: If a certain political party that truly represents Arakan does not register and run in the election, what kind of impact could that have on the state?
Dr. Khin Maung: Well, it is necessary to be politically clever and contemplative. As I mentioned above, it depends on which party or who will faithfully and seriously represent Arakan. People have to differentiate who is for them and who is not. We must understand that this election is a "system change" for Burmans. In other words, it is a change from a military dictatorship to a democratic system. But for other non-Burman ethnic groups, including Arakanese, it is a fight for survival of their national identities. Burmese and ethnic people might see that difference. In terms of how much a party that does not register and contest in the election could affect Arakan, it will also depend on how well parties and representatives in parliament will be able to work for their national survival and development. At the very least, I hope they have the chance to protect their national survival.
Narinjara: Regarding this upcoming election, what would you suggest to the people of Arakan?
Dr. Khin Maung: What I would like to say is rather than generally hoping that Arakanese parties win the election, I would like them to vote based on who and which party will truly fight for the people of Arakan, who and which party will serve the people of Arakan in the best of their knowledge, and who and which party will try to protect the national interest of Arakan. I would like them to elect someone who can serve Arakan by deeds rather than by words.
Man in suicide bid at detention centre
Source: NT News Australia
AN ASYLUM seeker attempted suicide in Darwin Detention Centre yesterday.
It is understood the man tried to hang himself.
He was discovered by one of the fellow detainees, who saved his life.
NT police were alerted to an incident at the centre at 5.29am, and St John Ambulance paramedics rushed the man to Royal Darwin.
Immigration Department national communications branch manager Sandi Logan yesterday said the man was being observed in hospital but had no physical injuries.
"This was a self-harm incident - we don't disclose details," he said. "He's receiving appropriate care, including mental health support."
The man was released from hospital in the afternoon and returned to detention.
Police spokesman David Harris confirmed police attended, but said it was a matter for Immigration as it was under their jurisdiction.
When asked why police were called to a medical incident, he said: "We have a responsibility to respond to incidents that might be of concern to the coroner."
Trouble has been brewing recently at Darwin Detention Centre. The man is one of 31 Burmese asylum seekers who have been protesting for more than a week, holding a hunger strike.
One member had earlier been taken to RDH and was then returned to the detention centre.
The president of the Burmese Rohingya Community in Australia, Kyaw Maung Shamsul Islam, said the men were upset because other asylum claims had been processed much more quickly.
He said the men had been in detention between eight and 11 months so far, while other claims had been processed within three months.
Mr Logan said refugee applications always took some time while checks were carried out, and that some cases were more difficult to process than others.
Mr Shamsul Islam said fear for their families' wellbeing was fuelling the men's desperate frustration.
"(Their families) could be nearly dead and nobody would help them," he said.
"They're worried about their children."
Readers seeking support and information on suicide prevention can contact Lifeline on 13 11 14.
AN ASYLUM seeker attempted suicide in Darwin Detention Centre yesterday.
It is understood the man tried to hang himself.
He was discovered by one of the fellow detainees, who saved his life.
NT police were alerted to an incident at the centre at 5.29am, and St John Ambulance paramedics rushed the man to Royal Darwin.
Immigration Department national communications branch manager Sandi Logan yesterday said the man was being observed in hospital but had no physical injuries.
"This was a self-harm incident - we don't disclose details," he said. "He's receiving appropriate care, including mental health support."
The man was released from hospital in the afternoon and returned to detention.
Police spokesman David Harris confirmed police attended, but said it was a matter for Immigration as it was under their jurisdiction.
When asked why police were called to a medical incident, he said: "We have a responsibility to respond to incidents that might be of concern to the coroner."
Trouble has been brewing recently at Darwin Detention Centre. The man is one of 31 Burmese asylum seekers who have been protesting for more than a week, holding a hunger strike.
One member had earlier been taken to RDH and was then returned to the detention centre.
The president of the Burmese Rohingya Community in Australia, Kyaw Maung Shamsul Islam, said the men were upset because other asylum claims had been processed much more quickly.
He said the men had been in detention between eight and 11 months so far, while other claims had been processed within three months.
Mr Logan said refugee applications always took some time while checks were carried out, and that some cases were more difficult to process than others.
Mr Shamsul Islam said fear for their families' wellbeing was fuelling the men's desperate frustration.
"(Their families) could be nearly dead and nobody would help them," he said.
"They're worried about their children."
Readers seeking support and information on suicide prevention can contact Lifeline on 13 11 14.
Arakanese Rohingya groups sign for unity
Source: Kaladan Press
Chittagong, Bangladesh: Arakanese Rohingya groups have signed to set up a structure for a new organization that will bring all stake holders and representatives of Rohingya groups together from around the world on 9 June 2010 at the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), according to the OIC statement in its news letter.
The Secretary General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, the department of Muslim Minorities and Communities invited leaders of the Rohingya, a Muslim minority in Burma, to setup a platform for unification in coordination with Euro-Burma office based on the OIC 37th Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM) resolution No. 4/37- MM, the statement said.
The Secretary General welcomed the outcome of the meeting.
A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed on 9 June 2010, which unified the leaders stand for their cause and legal demands in Arakan, said a community worker from Saudi Arabia.
Resolution No. 4/37-MM on the Muslim community in Burma was adopted after the 37th Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers, held in Dushanbe, Republic of Tajikistan (Session of Shared Vision of a More Secure and Prosperous Islamic World), from 18 to 20 May, 2010, the community worker said.
This resolution was adopted on reaffirming previous to the resolution No. 4/11-MM (IS) adopted by the 11th Islamic Summit Conference held in Dakar, Republic of Senegal, in March 2008; and Resolution No. 4/35 adopted by the 35th Session of the Conference of Foreign Ministers (CFM) held in Kampala, Republic of Uganda, according to the OIC resolution.
The resolution calls upon the Government of Burma to put an end the practices of displacement, expulsion, and exile of Arakan Muslims (Arakanese Rohingya) and the continued attempts to eradicate their Islamic culture and identity, and urges government authorities to respect the texts of international legitimacy on human rights.
The OIC resolution expresses concern over the continued deprivation of thousands of Arakanese Rohingya Muslims citizenship right, and requests the Secretary General and States that have ties to the Government of Burma to intensify contacts in order to gain recognition for Arakanese Rohingya as one of its ethnic minorities and to stop all forms of violence, expulsion and violation of human rights against them, and to remove all restrictions imposed on their freedom to move, learn and to own property.
The OIC commends the efforts of the Secretary General aimed at coordinating the work of the Arakanese Rohingya Muslim organizations and uniting their ranks under a united coordination council and calls on him to continue these efforts to reclaim their rights.
OIC requests the Secretary-General to contact the Government of Myanmar to and urge the latter to receive an OIC Mission to visit Myanmar in order to examine the conditions of Muslims there and persuade the Government of Myanmar to create conducive conditions for Arakan Muslims to return to their home and to report thereon to the next CFM.
Chittagong, Bangladesh: Arakanese Rohingya groups have signed to set up a structure for a new organization that will bring all stake holders and representatives of Rohingya groups together from around the world on 9 June 2010 at the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), according to the OIC statement in its news letter.
The Secretary General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, the department of Muslim Minorities and Communities invited leaders of the Rohingya, a Muslim minority in Burma, to setup a platform for unification in coordination with Euro-Burma office based on the OIC 37th Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM) resolution No. 4/37- MM, the statement said.
The Secretary General welcomed the outcome of the meeting.
A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed on 9 June 2010, which unified the leaders stand for their cause and legal demands in Arakan, said a community worker from Saudi Arabia.
Resolution No. 4/37-MM on the Muslim community in Burma was adopted after the 37th Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers, held in Dushanbe, Republic of Tajikistan (Session of Shared Vision of a More Secure and Prosperous Islamic World), from 18 to 20 May, 2010, the community worker said.
This resolution was adopted on reaffirming previous to the resolution No. 4/11-MM (IS) adopted by the 11th Islamic Summit Conference held in Dakar, Republic of Senegal, in March 2008; and Resolution No. 4/35 adopted by the 35th Session of the Conference of Foreign Ministers (CFM) held in Kampala, Republic of Uganda, according to the OIC resolution.
The resolution calls upon the Government of Burma to put an end the practices of displacement, expulsion, and exile of Arakan Muslims (Arakanese Rohingya) and the continued attempts to eradicate their Islamic culture and identity, and urges government authorities to respect the texts of international legitimacy on human rights.
The OIC resolution expresses concern over the continued deprivation of thousands of Arakanese Rohingya Muslims citizenship right, and requests the Secretary General and States that have ties to the Government of Burma to intensify contacts in order to gain recognition for Arakanese Rohingya as one of its ethnic minorities and to stop all forms of violence, expulsion and violation of human rights against them, and to remove all restrictions imposed on their freedom to move, learn and to own property.
The OIC commends the efforts of the Secretary General aimed at coordinating the work of the Arakanese Rohingya Muslim organizations and uniting their ranks under a united coordination council and calls on him to continue these efforts to reclaim their rights.
OIC requests the Secretary-General to contact the Government of Myanmar to and urge the latter to receive an OIC Mission to visit Myanmar in order to examine the conditions of Muslims there and persuade the Government of Myanmar to create conducive conditions for Arakan Muslims to return to their home and to report thereon to the next CFM.
Monday, June 21, 2010
India’s relations with Myanmar fail to address human rights concerns in run up to elections
Public Statement
AI Index: ASA 20/16/2010
India’s relations with Myanmar fail to address human rights concerns in run up to elections
Amnesty International: As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi marks her 65th birthday tomorrow, Amnesty International calls on the Government of India as a regional leader, to use its influence to improve the human rights situation in Myanmar in advance of the upcoming elections.
With Myanmar’s first elections in two decades approaching, the three freedoms - of expression, association and peaceful assembly - essential for people to freely participate in the political process, are increasingly being denied. Daw Suu Kyi is one of some 2,200 political prisoners in Myanmar. None of them will be able to participate in this year’s elections under new election laws - laws that the Indian government has failed to condemn.
The Government of India claims to follow a ‘constructive’ approach in promoting human rights improvements in Myanmar. However, its response to the dire state of human rights in the country has been increasingly inadequate.
By disassociating itself from the recent critical resolution on Myanmar’s terrible human rights record at the United Nations Human Rights Council, while issuing the anodyne call for elections to be ‘inclusive and broad based’, the Government of India has ignored the reality on the ground the resolution looked to address.
Political repression is also occurring against a backdrop of widespread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law by the Myanmar army in its campaign against ethnic minorities.
While India suspended most shipments of military hardware to Myanmar in late 2006, it is reportedly considering a resumption of its arms sales. Its opposition to a global arms embargo on Myanmar makes its reluctance to support wider sanctions, supposedly based on the harm they would do to the wider population, disingenuous. Amnesty International calls on the Government of India to maintain its current suspension of military transfers to Myanmar.
Myanmar’s other neighbours have in some crucial instances taken a stronger stance than India. Singaporean Foreign Minister, George Yeo, in a statement after the ASEAN Summit on 9 April 2010, complained of the obstacles ASEAN faces in acting on Myanmar due to the stances of both India and China. In October 2007 during the popular protests against the Myanmar government, ASEAN - chaired then by Singapore - expressed “revulsion” at the brutal crackdown. India expressed only “concern”. In May 2008 after the devastating Cyclone Nargis, many in the international community, including China and ASEAN, raised the Myanmar government’s failure to assist the 2.5 million survivors. India instead ‘saluted’ the people and government for their resilience and called for the aid process to be ‘apolitical’, ignoring the fact that Myanmar’s leaders had already politicised aid by blocking much-needed assistance.
India’s role in the “Group of Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar” at the UN is a small step in the right direction but much more is needed. To participate in the group but to be silent unilaterally at best weakens India’s ability to help effect positive change in Myanmar, and at worst sends a mixed message that could be interpreted as tacit endorsement of the human rights violations taking place.
The numerous human rights violations documented by Amnesty International and many others during periods of heightened political dissent in Myanmar indicate the need to focus on upholding human rights during the upcoming election period.
As the Myanmar elections approach Amnesty International urges the Government of India to publicly call for the three freedoms - of expression, association and peaceful assembly - to be guaranteed throughout the election period. This is the time to show true human rights leadership as befits a key regional player – and not the time for silence.
ENDS
Public Document
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW, UK
www.amnesty.org
--
Nora Murat
Executive Director
Amnesty International Malaysia
Tel: 603 7955 2680
Fax: 603 7955 2682
www.aimalaysia.org
AI Index: ASA 20/16/2010
India’s relations with Myanmar fail to address human rights concerns in run up to elections
Amnesty International: As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi marks her 65th birthday tomorrow, Amnesty International calls on the Government of India as a regional leader, to use its influence to improve the human rights situation in Myanmar in advance of the upcoming elections.
With Myanmar’s first elections in two decades approaching, the three freedoms - of expression, association and peaceful assembly - essential for people to freely participate in the political process, are increasingly being denied. Daw Suu Kyi is one of some 2,200 political prisoners in Myanmar. None of them will be able to participate in this year’s elections under new election laws - laws that the Indian government has failed to condemn.
The Government of India claims to follow a ‘constructive’ approach in promoting human rights improvements in Myanmar. However, its response to the dire state of human rights in the country has been increasingly inadequate.
By disassociating itself from the recent critical resolution on Myanmar’s terrible human rights record at the United Nations Human Rights Council, while issuing the anodyne call for elections to be ‘inclusive and broad based’, the Government of India has ignored the reality on the ground the resolution looked to address.
Political repression is also occurring against a backdrop of widespread and systematic violations of international human rights and humanitarian law by the Myanmar army in its campaign against ethnic minorities.
While India suspended most shipments of military hardware to Myanmar in late 2006, it is reportedly considering a resumption of its arms sales. Its opposition to a global arms embargo on Myanmar makes its reluctance to support wider sanctions, supposedly based on the harm they would do to the wider population, disingenuous. Amnesty International calls on the Government of India to maintain its current suspension of military transfers to Myanmar.
Myanmar’s other neighbours have in some crucial instances taken a stronger stance than India. Singaporean Foreign Minister, George Yeo, in a statement after the ASEAN Summit on 9 April 2010, complained of the obstacles ASEAN faces in acting on Myanmar due to the stances of both India and China. In October 2007 during the popular protests against the Myanmar government, ASEAN - chaired then by Singapore - expressed “revulsion” at the brutal crackdown. India expressed only “concern”. In May 2008 after the devastating Cyclone Nargis, many in the international community, including China and ASEAN, raised the Myanmar government’s failure to assist the 2.5 million survivors. India instead ‘saluted’ the people and government for their resilience and called for the aid process to be ‘apolitical’, ignoring the fact that Myanmar’s leaders had already politicised aid by blocking much-needed assistance.
India’s role in the “Group of Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar” at the UN is a small step in the right direction but much more is needed. To participate in the group but to be silent unilaterally at best weakens India’s ability to help effect positive change in Myanmar, and at worst sends a mixed message that could be interpreted as tacit endorsement of the human rights violations taking place.
The numerous human rights violations documented by Amnesty International and many others during periods of heightened political dissent in Myanmar indicate the need to focus on upholding human rights during the upcoming election period.
As the Myanmar elections approach Amnesty International urges the Government of India to publicly call for the three freedoms - of expression, association and peaceful assembly - to be guaranteed throughout the election period. This is the time to show true human rights leadership as befits a key regional player – and not the time for silence.
ENDS
Public Document
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW, UK
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Nora Murat
Executive Director
Amnesty International Malaysia
Tel: 603 7955 2680
Fax: 603 7955 2682
www.aimalaysia.org
Burmese ‘second highest’ asylum seekers
By FRANCIS WADE
Source: DVB News: Nearly 50,000 Burmese nationals last year applied for asylum with the UN refugee agency, around three-quarters of these in Malaysia alone.
The figures released by the UN’s refugee agency rank Burma as the world’s second-highest country in terms of the number of people who sought asylum in 2008-2009. Zimbabwe was by far the highest, with 158,200, while Burma counted 48,600, Eritrea 43,300 and Ethiopia 42,500.
Malaysia received the largest number of new requests from any nationality, with 40,000 people last year lodging asylum claims. Of these, 37,600 people were from Burma. Burmese nationals also had one of the highest Total Recognition Rates (TRR), with 80 to 90 percent of asylum claims granted out of a world total of 47 percent.
At the end of 2009, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) counted 496,542 Burmese nationals of a 50 million-strong population as “people of concern”, 42 percent of which are refugees documented by the UN. The UN also assists 67,290 internally displaced persons (IDPs), although there are estimates of more than one million IDPs spread across the country.
By contrast, Iraq, with a population of less than 31 million, had more than 3.5 million “people of concern”, while Afghanistan had 3.2 million and Pakistan three million.
The UNCHR’s acknowledgement that the Burmese refugee count may be well below actual figures was echoed by David Mathieson, Burma consultant at Human Rights Watch.
“How many refugees flee into China and don’t seek formal protection under the UNCHR?” he said. “How many refugees are unregistered in camps along the Thailand border? It’s about 40,000. India too, and how many Rohingya in Bangladesh aren’t formally registered?”
He said that one of the key problems for the UNHCR is that it “works through governments, and if governments put the impediments in its path then there’s very little they can do. They could advocate harder, but then there’s a balance between pushing hard and being kicked out of the country”.
Concerns have arisen about the effect that Burma’s elections later this year will have on the flow of refugees out of the country. Aid groups have warned that the government’s attempts to bring ethnic ceasefire armies under the wing of the Burmese military may result in fighting, which could then trigger an exodus of refugees across the border.
But, said Mathieson, the connection between refugee flows and the elections may be misguided. “If there’s fighting, then yes, but is that to do with the elections or is it just one part of the elections which is the border security?” he said. “I think they’re connected, but not intimately connected.”
What might instead happen, he argued, is that migrant workers living in neighbouring countries could return to Burma prior to the elections in order to lodge their vote. “Some people I’ve spoken to say they’ll go back to vote, or be seen to vote, at least to get their name put down so they or their families don’t get in trouble,” he said.
Source: DVB News: Nearly 50,000 Burmese nationals last year applied for asylum with the UN refugee agency, around three-quarters of these in Malaysia alone.
The figures released by the UN’s refugee agency rank Burma as the world’s second-highest country in terms of the number of people who sought asylum in 2008-2009. Zimbabwe was by far the highest, with 158,200, while Burma counted 48,600, Eritrea 43,300 and Ethiopia 42,500.
Malaysia received the largest number of new requests from any nationality, with 40,000 people last year lodging asylum claims. Of these, 37,600 people were from Burma. Burmese nationals also had one of the highest Total Recognition Rates (TRR), with 80 to 90 percent of asylum claims granted out of a world total of 47 percent.
At the end of 2009, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) counted 496,542 Burmese nationals of a 50 million-strong population as “people of concern”, 42 percent of which are refugees documented by the UN. The UN also assists 67,290 internally displaced persons (IDPs), although there are estimates of more than one million IDPs spread across the country.
By contrast, Iraq, with a population of less than 31 million, had more than 3.5 million “people of concern”, while Afghanistan had 3.2 million and Pakistan three million.
The UNCHR’s acknowledgement that the Burmese refugee count may be well below actual figures was echoed by David Mathieson, Burma consultant at Human Rights Watch.
“How many refugees flee into China and don’t seek formal protection under the UNCHR?” he said. “How many refugees are unregistered in camps along the Thailand border? It’s about 40,000. India too, and how many Rohingya in Bangladesh aren’t formally registered?”
He said that one of the key problems for the UNHCR is that it “works through governments, and if governments put the impediments in its path then there’s very little they can do. They could advocate harder, but then there’s a balance between pushing hard and being kicked out of the country”.
Concerns have arisen about the effect that Burma’s elections later this year will have on the flow of refugees out of the country. Aid groups have warned that the government’s attempts to bring ethnic ceasefire armies under the wing of the Burmese military may result in fighting, which could then trigger an exodus of refugees across the border.
But, said Mathieson, the connection between refugee flows and the elections may be misguided. “If there’s fighting, then yes, but is that to do with the elections or is it just one part of the elections which is the border security?” he said. “I think they’re connected, but not intimately connected.”
What might instead happen, he argued, is that migrant workers living in neighbouring countries could return to Burma prior to the elections in order to lodge their vote. “Some people I’ve spoken to say they’ll go back to vote, or be seen to vote, at least to get their name put down so they or their families don’t get in trouble,” he said.
Rohingya Asylum seekers on hunger strike in Australia
Source: ABC News
Australia's Immigration Department says 31 asylum-seekers are continuing their protest at a Darwin detention centre.
The protest at the Northern Territory centre began a week ago, with some asylum seekers refusing to eat.
One protester was taken to hospital for a check-up on Saturday but is now back in detention.
A Burmese asylum seeker taking part in the protest says the group is angry at how long it is taking to process their applications.
Iraqis eat
The Australian Immigration Department says 31 Rohingya people from Burma are on hunger strike.
It is reported 10 Iraqis who were also refusing food are now eating.
The department has said the action will not speed asylum application processing.
One of the Burmese asylum seekers, who asked not to be named for fear of adverse consequences, told Radio Australia, the Immigration Department needs to deal with their cases more quickly.
"We are not protesting, we are making a request by not eating, we are not holding any placards or making any noise," the detainee said.
"We have not heard about our visa application status, others have got theirs within 90 days.
"Our tenure here range from six months to 10 months. We want information on why we have not been processed.
Australia's Immigration Department says 31 asylum-seekers are continuing their protest at a Darwin detention centre.
The protest at the Northern Territory centre began a week ago, with some asylum seekers refusing to eat.
One protester was taken to hospital for a check-up on Saturday but is now back in detention.
A Burmese asylum seeker taking part in the protest says the group is angry at how long it is taking to process their applications.
Iraqis eat
The Australian Immigration Department says 31 Rohingya people from Burma are on hunger strike.
It is reported 10 Iraqis who were also refusing food are now eating.
The department has said the action will not speed asylum application processing.
One of the Burmese asylum seekers, who asked not to be named for fear of adverse consequences, told Radio Australia, the Immigration Department needs to deal with their cases more quickly.
"We are not protesting, we are making a request by not eating, we are not holding any placards or making any noise," the detainee said.
"We have not heard about our visa application status, others have got theirs within 90 days.
"Our tenure here range from six months to 10 months. We want information on why we have not been processed.
Rohingya in Cambodia to seek asylum
Source: Sebastian Strangio
AGROUP of Rohingya in Cambodia seeking political asylum through the UN refugee office is facing food shortages after about five months in the country, according to news reports.
On June 7, Kaladan News, a Rohingya news agency, quoted one of the 32 asylum seekers, who arrived in January, as saying that the status of their applications was unclear, but that they were in dire need of food assistance.
“As an asylum seeker, we are unable to work for survival. If we are given refugee status we will get facilities, but now we are facing food crisis,” Mohamed Tayub reportedly said.
“All the asylum seekers had given interviews to the concerned authority, including UNHCR, and hope to get refugee status, but when we don’t know.”
Human rights groups say the Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority from Myanmar’s Rakhine state, have faced frequent human rights violations from the country’s government, driving many to flee. Large numbers of Rohingya now live permanently in refugee camps in Thailand and Bangladesh.
Toshi Kawauchi, head of the Phnom Penh office of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), confirmed that the group had applied for asylum with the support of his office, but could not provide details about the current status of their applications.
“They are filing asylum applications to the government and to UNHCR,” he said, adding: “We are in touch with the group, and are talking about the food situation.”
He said that as a general rule, UNHCR tries to help wherever possible, but that assistance to asylum-seekers is distributed on a “case-by-case basis”.
“There is no standard assistance policy per se,” he said. “We are advising them, as we advise all asylum-seekers, that they can approach us or the government whenever they need emergency aid.”
Interior Ministry spokesman Khieu Sopheak and Mom Sophannarith, director of the ministry’s Refugee Office, could not be reached for comment Sunday.
AGROUP of Rohingya in Cambodia seeking political asylum through the UN refugee office is facing food shortages after about five months in the country, according to news reports.
On June 7, Kaladan News, a Rohingya news agency, quoted one of the 32 asylum seekers, who arrived in January, as saying that the status of their applications was unclear, but that they were in dire need of food assistance.
“As an asylum seeker, we are unable to work for survival. If we are given refugee status we will get facilities, but now we are facing food crisis,” Mohamed Tayub reportedly said.
“All the asylum seekers had given interviews to the concerned authority, including UNHCR, and hope to get refugee status, but when we don’t know.”
Human rights groups say the Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority from Myanmar’s Rakhine state, have faced frequent human rights violations from the country’s government, driving many to flee. Large numbers of Rohingya now live permanently in refugee camps in Thailand and Bangladesh.
Toshi Kawauchi, head of the Phnom Penh office of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), confirmed that the group had applied for asylum with the support of his office, but could not provide details about the current status of their applications.
“They are filing asylum applications to the government and to UNHCR,” he said, adding: “We are in touch with the group, and are talking about the food situation.”
He said that as a general rule, UNHCR tries to help wherever possible, but that assistance to asylum-seekers is distributed on a “case-by-case basis”.
“There is no standard assistance policy per se,” he said. “We are advising them, as we advise all asylum-seekers, that they can approach us or the government whenever they need emergency aid.”
Interior Ministry spokesman Khieu Sopheak and Mom Sophannarith, director of the ministry’s Refugee Office, could not be reached for comment Sunday.
A call to End Crimes against Humanity in Western Burma
Press Release June 20, 2010
We undersigned organizations warmly solutes the recent report, titled: “Crimes against Humanity in Western Burma: The Situation of the Rohingyas”, launched by the Irish Center for Human Rights (ICHR), National University of Ireland (NUI) Galway, which is the one of the World’s Leading university based human rights research center.
We express our sincere gratitude towards the members, researchers, associates and all level of staffs or assistants and contributors both in cash or kinds from every quarter of humanity, particularly the Irish Government, Irish Center for Human Rights and Irish Aid and people for making this successful job to be done with tireless and restless efforts and contributions.
The report was officially launched by the Micheal Martin, the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs on June 16, 2010 at Iveagh House, Dublin in the presence of Rohingya victims who were rescued by the Irish Government in one year ago.
For decades, the Rohingyas have been enduring human rights abuses in Northern Arakan State of Burma . In every moment, more and more Rohingya men, women and children are leaving Burma , fleeing the human rights abuses in the hope of finding peace and security elsewhere in the world. But, their plight has been overlooked for years and the root causes of their situation still remain under-examined. These violations are on-going and in urgent need of attention and redress.
A fact-finding mission managed to reach to the region, including Burma , as well as on extensive open-source research, and confidential meetings with organizations working in the region. Mission gained much of the most important information came from the many interviews conducted with Rohingya individuals in and around refugee camps in Bangladesh , where they were able to speak more freely than they can in Burma itself about the violations they had endured and which had caused them to flee their homes.
The Report has examined the apparent cases of enslavement, rape and sexual violence, deportation or forcible transfer of populations, and persecution against the Rohingyas may constitute crimes against humanity. “Describing the violations as crimes against humanity raises the possibility that cases against those Burmese officials who are responsible could be referred to the International Criminal Court.
The Report has also revealed the truth on the actual situation of the Rohingyas through the lens of crimes against humanity. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and international criminal law jurisprudence, especially that of the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, are used to provide detailed and clear legal foundations for the examination. As becomes evident in the individual chapters, there is a strong prima facie case for determining that crimes against humanity are being committed against the Rohingyas of Northern Arakan State in Burma .
The Reports affirms that people committing, allowing, aiding and abetting these crimes must be held accountable, calling the international community including the UN Security Council and UN Human Rights Council, ASEAN and all other stakeholders or states to take responsibility to protect the Rohingyas, to respond to the allegations of crimes against humanity and ensure that violations and impunity do not persist for another generation, establishing a Commission of Inquiry to investigate and collect further evidence on the perpetration of crimes against humanity in Northern Arakan State. Moreover, as raised throughout this Report, there is strong foundation to believe that further crimes are being committed throughout other areas of Burma , and the Commission of Inquiry must have a broad mandate to investigate all allegations of international crimes committed in the country.
Commission of Inquiry should confirm a prima facie case of crimes against humanity, the Security Council should refer the case to the International Criminal Court, pursuant to Article 13(b) of the Rome Statute.
We do believe that the ICHR will conduct further researchers in states of Rohingyas’ refuge, where they have been being treated as slave labor under the title of temporary shelter. These kinds of words bring obstructions against international supports towards the Rohingya victims, living elsewhere in the world.
Base on these live evidences, we request to all level of human societies to come forward for showing strong solidarity in combating crimes against Rohingya Burmese minority through allocating them in the states parties to United Nations and International Treaties including 1951 Convention and its 1967 additional protocol and putting effective pressures on Burmese military regime for urgent democratic changes in order to ensure the full rights and dignity of the Rohingyas in Burma.
Signed by:
Arakan Rohingya Refugee Committee (ARRC), Malaysia
Arakan Rohingya Organization-Japan (JARO)
Arakan Rohingya Ulama Council, (ARUC), Malaysia
Burmese Rohingya Association in UAE (BRA-UAE)
Human Rights Association for Rohingya (HURAR), Arakan-Burma
Myanmar Muslim Council (MMC), KSA
National Council for Rohingya (NCR), Malaysia
National Democratic Party for Human Rights (NDPHR) exile, HQ , USA
Rohingya Youth Development Forum (RYDF), Arakan-Burma
World Rohingya Congress (WRC), USA
For further information, please contact:
Kyaw Soe Aung,, Tel: +14147364273
Mohammad Sadek, Tel: +60 163094599
Click here to read report>>>>>>
We undersigned organizations warmly solutes the recent report, titled: “Crimes against Humanity in Western Burma: The Situation of the Rohingyas”, launched by the Irish Center for Human Rights (ICHR), National University of Ireland (NUI) Galway, which is the one of the World’s Leading university based human rights research center.
We express our sincere gratitude towards the members, researchers, associates and all level of staffs or assistants and contributors both in cash or kinds from every quarter of humanity, particularly the Irish Government, Irish Center for Human Rights and Irish Aid and people for making this successful job to be done with tireless and restless efforts and contributions.
The report was officially launched by the Micheal Martin, the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs on June 16, 2010 at Iveagh House, Dublin in the presence of Rohingya victims who were rescued by the Irish Government in one year ago.
For decades, the Rohingyas have been enduring human rights abuses in Northern Arakan State of Burma . In every moment, more and more Rohingya men, women and children are leaving Burma , fleeing the human rights abuses in the hope of finding peace and security elsewhere in the world. But, their plight has been overlooked for years and the root causes of their situation still remain under-examined. These violations are on-going and in urgent need of attention and redress.
A fact-finding mission managed to reach to the region, including Burma , as well as on extensive open-source research, and confidential meetings with organizations working in the region. Mission gained much of the most important information came from the many interviews conducted with Rohingya individuals in and around refugee camps in Bangladesh , where they were able to speak more freely than they can in Burma itself about the violations they had endured and which had caused them to flee their homes.
The Report has examined the apparent cases of enslavement, rape and sexual violence, deportation or forcible transfer of populations, and persecution against the Rohingyas may constitute crimes against humanity. “Describing the violations as crimes against humanity raises the possibility that cases against those Burmese officials who are responsible could be referred to the International Criminal Court.
The Report has also revealed the truth on the actual situation of the Rohingyas through the lens of crimes against humanity. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and international criminal law jurisprudence, especially that of the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, are used to provide detailed and clear legal foundations for the examination. As becomes evident in the individual chapters, there is a strong prima facie case for determining that crimes against humanity are being committed against the Rohingyas of Northern Arakan State in Burma .
The Reports affirms that people committing, allowing, aiding and abetting these crimes must be held accountable, calling the international community including the UN Security Council and UN Human Rights Council, ASEAN and all other stakeholders or states to take responsibility to protect the Rohingyas, to respond to the allegations of crimes against humanity and ensure that violations and impunity do not persist for another generation, establishing a Commission of Inquiry to investigate and collect further evidence on the perpetration of crimes against humanity in Northern Arakan State. Moreover, as raised throughout this Report, there is strong foundation to believe that further crimes are being committed throughout other areas of Burma , and the Commission of Inquiry must have a broad mandate to investigate all allegations of international crimes committed in the country.
Commission of Inquiry should confirm a prima facie case of crimes against humanity, the Security Council should refer the case to the International Criminal Court, pursuant to Article 13(b) of the Rome Statute.
We do believe that the ICHR will conduct further researchers in states of Rohingyas’ refuge, where they have been being treated as slave labor under the title of temporary shelter. These kinds of words bring obstructions against international supports towards the Rohingya victims, living elsewhere in the world.
Base on these live evidences, we request to all level of human societies to come forward for showing strong solidarity in combating crimes against Rohingya Burmese minority through allocating them in the states parties to United Nations and International Treaties including 1951 Convention and its 1967 additional protocol and putting effective pressures on Burmese military regime for urgent democratic changes in order to ensure the full rights and dignity of the Rohingyas in Burma.
Signed by:
Arakan Rohingya Refugee Committee (ARRC), Malaysia
Arakan Rohingya Organization-Japan (JARO)
Arakan Rohingya Ulama Council, (ARUC), Malaysia
Burmese Rohingya Association in UAE (BRA-UAE)
Human Rights Association for Rohingya (HURAR), Arakan-Burma
Myanmar Muslim Council (MMC), KSA
National Council for Rohingya (NCR), Malaysia
National Democratic Party for Human Rights (NDPHR) exile, HQ , USA
Rohingya Youth Development Forum (RYDF), Arakan-Burma
World Rohingya Congress (WRC), USA
For further information, please contact:
Kyaw Soe Aung,, Tel: +14147364273
Mohammad Sadek, Tel: +60 163094599
Click here to read report>>>>>>
Sunday, June 20, 2010
UN deploys speedboats to save victims of floods in Myanmar and Bangladesh
Source: UNWEB, United Nations aid agencies are using speedboats to help rescue people from flood waters that have inundated villages in western Myanmar and neighbouring Bangladesh and killed dozens of people.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported yesterday that eight boats that are normally used by staff to reach remote villages were instead deployed to save 50 patients and 20 staff trapped in a hospital and more than 100 children stuck in their homes in Myanmar’s Rakhine state.
Dinesh Shrestha, the head of UNHCR’s field office in the Maungdaw area, said the hospital patients were transferred to a nearby school for safety and then provided with blankets and mosquito nets.
“The national operators of our boats and their helpers have been enormously brave,” he said, adding that stocks of important medicines were also retrieved from the hospital before they were taken by the rising flood waters, which follow days of monsoonal rains on the Bangladeshi side of the border.
UNHCR has also provided plastic sheeting to about 4,500 people near the Bangladeshi town of Cox’s Bazar whose homes were destroyed by floods or mudslides. At least 58 people are reported dead in Bangladesh alone as a result of the disaster.
More than 85 villages in Myanmar have been affected, and the flood damage to almost 40 is classed as severe. Numerous roads and bridges have been either cut or weakened.
UN aid agencies are meeting local authorities today in Myanmar to discuss the most urgent needs for flood victims in that country. The World Food Programme (WFP) and several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are also involved in the relief effort.
Elisabeth Byrs, a spokesperson for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told journalists in Geneva that an inter-agency mission was also conducted earlier this week to assess the situation.
Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung, all in Rakhine state, are considered to be among the hardest hit areas.
But the area around Cox’s Bazar is also badly affected. UNHCR helps the Bangladeshi Government operate two refugee camps near the town that are home to Rohingya from northern Rakhine.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported yesterday that eight boats that are normally used by staff to reach remote villages were instead deployed to save 50 patients and 20 staff trapped in a hospital and more than 100 children stuck in their homes in Myanmar’s Rakhine state.
Dinesh Shrestha, the head of UNHCR’s field office in the Maungdaw area, said the hospital patients were transferred to a nearby school for safety and then provided with blankets and mosquito nets.
“The national operators of our boats and their helpers have been enormously brave,” he said, adding that stocks of important medicines were also retrieved from the hospital before they were taken by the rising flood waters, which follow days of monsoonal rains on the Bangladeshi side of the border.
UNHCR has also provided plastic sheeting to about 4,500 people near the Bangladeshi town of Cox’s Bazar whose homes were destroyed by floods or mudslides. At least 58 people are reported dead in Bangladesh alone as a result of the disaster.
More than 85 villages in Myanmar have been affected, and the flood damage to almost 40 is classed as severe. Numerous roads and bridges have been either cut or weakened.
UN aid agencies are meeting local authorities today in Myanmar to discuss the most urgent needs for flood victims in that country. The World Food Programme (WFP) and several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are also involved in the relief effort.
Elisabeth Byrs, a spokesperson for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told journalists in Geneva that an inter-agency mission was also conducted earlier this week to assess the situation.
Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung, all in Rakhine state, are considered to be among the hardest hit areas.
But the area around Cox’s Bazar is also badly affected. UNHCR helps the Bangladeshi Government operate two refugee camps near the town that are home to Rohingya from northern Rakhine.
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